Thai Politics: A Crisis of Confidence from the Outset

The general election on 8 February 2026 saw Bhumjaithai emerge as the largest party, securing 192 seats in the House of Representatives. It went on to form a Bhumjaithai-led coalition government comprising 16 parties and 292 seats, with Bhumjaithai and Pheu Thai as the core partners, alongside 14 smaller parties. Holding 292 out of 500 seats gives the coalition a clear parliamentary majority, paving the way for Anutin Charnvirakul to serve a second term as prime minister. This strong position in the House marks a significant departure from the previous administration, when Bhumjaithai led a minority government. With a solid majority this time, the coalition appears to be politically stable. Yet this apparent stability masked a deeper problem: a growing deficit of public trust.

As has long been the practice in Thai politics, ministerial portfolios are allocated according to coalition party quotas. The second Anutin cabinet thus comprised many familiar faces from the previous administration, particularly from the Bhumjaithai Party. Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul concurrently served as Minister of Interior. As in the previous government, three key technocrats were appointed to finance, commerce, and foreign policy. The remaining ministerial posts were distributed among key factions, political dynasties, and party loyalists. Meanwhile, the Pheu Thai Party was allocated eight ministerial positions. The party’s remaining portfolios were primarily focused on human and social development.          

The government’s policy statement, delivered to parliament on 9–10 April, is organised around five pillars: the economy; foreign affairs and security; social development; environment and disaster management; and public administration and legal reform. It prioritises investment, SMEs, digital transformation, private-sector participation, and global trade, alongside agricultural modernisation and high-value tourism. It also emphasises border security, regional cooperation, and peaceful dispute resolution, while advancing education, healthcare, and social security through greater AI use. Environmental goals include improved disaster management and net-zero emissions by 2050, while administrative reforms focus on streamlining services, updating laws, reforming procurement, and tackling corruption.

Despite appearing to be a stable government, the Bhumjaithai-led coalition faced significant challenges even before taking office. The war in the Middle East triggered an energy crisis, driving up prices and worsening Thailand’s already fragile economic outlook, leaving people to continue facing economic hardship. Beyond these pressures, the government also confronted a crisis of public trust from the outset, with widespread scepticism about its credibility and capacity to govern effectively.

During the transition from the first to the second Anutin cabinet, Deputy Prime Minister and Transport Minister Phiphat Ratchakitprakarn was appointed to chair a committee addressing the oil crisis triggered by the war in the Middle East. The appointment quickly drew criticism over a potential conflict of interest, as his family owns PTG Energy Public Company, which operates more than 2,300 PT service stations nationwide. When oil prices rose by 6 baht per litre in March, concerns intensified that his family’s business could benefit from the increase. These allegations undermined public trust in the second Anutin cabinet from the outset. Although Phiphat later resigned from the committee, confidence in the government has yet to be restored.

As Thailand’s energy crisis deepened and the government struggled to respond effectively, Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul acknowledged that his administration had misjudged the duration of the conflict in the Middle East. Although he apologised for the volatility in fuel prices, the move did little to restore public trust. As conditions worsened, a video during the election campaign resurfaced and went viral on Thai social media, in which Anutin claimed he could deliver tangible results within two months and promised that, over a full four-year term, the country would become “too rich to handle.” The contrast between these promises and the current crisis intensified public criticism, undermining the Bhumjaithai Party’s campaign slogan, “Speak and Do Plus,” and casting doubt on its pragmatic governing approach.

The erosion of public trust is also reflected in opinion surveys. A recent NIDA Poll released on 5 April indicates that the public has limited confidence in the three technocratic deputy prime ministers: Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow, Commerce Minister Suphajee Suthumpun, and Finance Minister Ekniti Nitithanprapas. A majority of respondents expressed little trust in these figures, who were expected to project professionalism and credibility for the government, and showed limited sympathy for the government’s handling of the economic and oil crisis. This signals an early and significant deficit of public confidence facing the second Anutin cabinet.

As the war in the Middle East appears protracted, the resulting energy crisis is likely to have global economic repercussions. In Thailand, however, its impact extends beyond rising oil prices to a broader political challenge for the second Anutin cabinet. Amid already eroding public trust, the government faces significant difficulty in restoring confidence. The crisis thus presents a critical test of whether the administration can deliver tangible results and ease public hardship, as well as of Anutin Charnvirakul’s leadership in fulfilling his pledge to “speak and do.”

-Asia Media Centre